Science Guardian

Paradigms and power in science and society

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I am Richard Feynman and I approve of this blogServing the public interest by supporting honest, accomplished, independent minded and often heroic distinguished scientists and other original thinkers and critics of ruling ideas in their right to free speech, publication and funding, and defending them against the overwhelming group prejudice, leadership resistance and internal science politics of the paradigm wars of cancer, AIDS, evolution, global warming, cosmology, particle physics, macroeconomics, health and medicine, diet and nutrition.

Measuring the truth by the professional and scholarly literature in peer reviewed journals (adjusted for incompetence and bias), well researched books, authoritative encyclopedias (Britannica, not Wikipedia) and the investigative reporting and skeptical reviews of well informed original thinkers among academics, philosophers, researchers, scholars, authors, and journalists.
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Many people would die rather than think – in fact, they do so. – Bertrand Russell.

Skepticism is dangerous. That’s exactly its function, in my view. – Carl Sagan

The progress of science is strewn, like an ancient desert trail, with the bleached skeletons of discarded theories which once seemed to possess eternal life. - Arthur Koestler

It is really important to underscore that everything we’re talking about tonight could be utter nonsense. – Brian Greene (NYU panel on Hidden Dimensions June 5 2010, World Science Festival)

No snowflake in a snowstorm ever feels responsible. - Voltaire

One should as a rule respect public opinion in so far as is necessary to avoid starvation and to keep out of prison, but anything that goes beyond this is voluntary submission to an unnecessary tyranny, and is likely to interfere with happiness in all kinds of ways. – Bertrand Russell (Conquest of Happiness (1930) ch. 9)

(Click for more Unusual Quotations on Science and Belief)

I am Albert Einstein, and I heartily approve of this blog, insofar as it seems to believe both in science and the importance of intellectual imagination, uncompromised by out of date emotions such as the impulse toward conventional religious beliefs, national aggression as a part of patriotism, and so on.   As I once remarked, the further the spiritual evolution of mankind advances, the more certain it seems to me that the path to genuine religiosity does not lie through the fear of life, and the fear of death, and blind faith, but through striving after rational knowledge.   Certainly the application of the impulse toward blind faith in science whereby authority is treated as some kind of church is to be deplored.  As I have also said, the only thing that ever interfered with my learning was my education.My name as you already perceive without a doubt is George Bernard Shaw, and I certainly approve of this blog, in that its guiding spirit appears to be blasphemous in regard to the High Church doctrines of science, and it flouts the censorship of the powers that be, and as I have famously remarked, all great truths begin as blasphemy, and the first duty of the truthteller is to fight censorship, and while I notice that its seriousness of purpose is often alleviated by a satirical irony which sometimes borders on the facetious, this is all to the good, for as I have also famously remarked, if you wish to be a dissenter, make certain that you frame your ideas in jest, otherwise they will seek to kill you.  My own method was always to take the utmost trouble to find the right thing to say, and then to say it with the utmost levity. (Photo by Alfred Eisenstaedt for Life magazine)
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AIDS elite at 25 – top trio meets in public at the New School tonight

June 19th, 2006

But will audience dare to question progress?

Celebrating “AIDS at 25″, three of the AIDS elite will meet at the New School tonight in a New York Times panel to discuss progress to date.

New York Times Talks

AIDS at 25: What’s Next?

Mon., June 19, 6:30 p.m. Admission: $25 at nytimes.com/timestalks or call 888.NYT.1870. A limited number of complimentary New School student, faculty, staff and alumni tickets are available by calling 212.229.5488 or emailing boxoffice@newschool.edu.

Location: Tishman Auditorium, 66 West 12th Street

This summer marks the 25th anniversary of the first New York Times story about a rare, often rapidly fatal form of cancer afflicting gay men. What we now know as AIDS has gone on to become a worldwide pandemic with no known cure. Some of the leading voices in the quarter-century-long struggle to identify and combat this disease talk about the victories they have helped attain and the challenges that remain. Panelists: Allan Clear, executive director, Harm Reduction Coalition; Dr. Anthony S. Fauci, director, National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases; Larry Kramer, Founder, Gay Men’s Health Crisis and ACT UP; and Mathilde Krim, PhD, founding chairman, amfAR, The Foundation for AIDS Research. Panel discussion moderated by Brent Staples, New York Times editorial board.

Their names are the most celebrated in the socio-politics of AIDS: Anthony Fauci, Mathilde Krim and Larry Kramer.

Anthony Fauci is the short, well dressed director of NIAID, which is responsible for guiding the research and development of medications in AIDS, as well as possible vaccines. Result so far: no vaccine, no cure, no explanation, and no genuinely good medications but merely ones which act rather like a flame thrower used inside a house to chase mice. Initially the weapon may kill the mice (infections), but it soon enough burns down the house (ie kills the patient: half of AIDS patient deaths now are due to drug symptoms – such as liver damage – which are not AIDS diseases).

Mathilde Krim is the short, blonde-bunned founder of AmFAR, the prominent charity devoted to a similar goal. Best known for winning the support of Elizabeth Taylor and for saying to this reporter, on the topic of whether HIV caused AIDS, “Well we can’t prove it does, but Peter (Duesberg) can’t prove it doesn’t!”

Larry Kramer is the short, regal playwright and orator who is fond of accusing officials, and gays themselves, of behaving in ways that put the health of the gay community at risk, but has never bitten the bullet and examined whether scientists have the same range of human motivations, some of which may betray the gay community in just as lethal a manner. Kramer, in fact, has despite his artistic grasp of the emotions at play has never been able to move beyond fearing the virus to fearing the men and women behind its status.

Since this is an unprecedented opportunity to ask questions from the audience of these movers and shakers of HIV?AIDS science and politics, perhaps someone will formulate an enquiry which politely asks them to explain how a virus that does not kill T-cells after all, that is not significantly present in AIDS patients, and that is not transmitted through man-woman sex (all now established in mainstream scientific papers in peer-reviewed journals) can possibly be responsible for so many deaths over the years, and how it can be spreading throughout the world in a pandemic which threatens the very survival of some African nations?

Prize for best query

Maybe you can formulate a cleverer question today, in time for it to be asked by this correspondent or his deputy tonight. Prize to be awarded for best suggestion: free copy of Harvey Bialy’s inimitable book, “Oncogenes, Aneuploidy and AIDS: The Life and Scientific Times of Peter H. Duesberg”, which explains how the issue of the true cause of HIV?AIDS was settled in 1988, if not earlier.

Some suggestions:

1. Dr. Fauci, how come the Virus appears to be contagious in poorer countries overseas and not in the US and Europe? Are rich people immune as long as they are not gay?

2. Dr. Fauci, how is it that at least five listed AIDS diseases have little to do with immune deficiency – wasting, cervical cancer, Kaposi’s Sarcoma, dementia, lymphoma?

3. Dr. Fauci, how come that after the Virus has been replaced (controlled, neutralized) by antibodies to it, people develop AIDS diseases after ten years or even twenty years, when antibody immunity is still effective and the Virus is not present more often than a needle in a haystack?

4. Dr. Fauci, do you support Dr. Gallo in still saying that the Virus kills T cells and that this is the cause of AIDS immune deficiency? If so, how does the Virus kill cells it is not inside, in a body in which it is almost totally absent? Does this “conundrum” after twenty years (as it is now called in mainstream literature eg by Zvi Grossman of NIAID and Tel Aviv in Nature Medicine in March) suggest we have the wrong cause of AIDS after all?

5. Dr. Fauci, if HIV positive people are already full of antibodies which have replaced their Virus, what kind of viral antibodies will the vaccine that we are still asked to spend more billions hunting, provide?

6. Dr. Fauci, if the occurrence (prevalence) of HIV in the US has remained flat at around a million HIV+ people for twenty years, how did the Virus cause the rise and decline in AIDS in the US?

7. Dr. Fauci, if it is the Virus that is killing AIDS patients, how come more than half are now dying of liver damage, which is a drug symptom and not an AIDS symptom?

8. Dr. Fauci, what exactly is the rationale for spending more on AIDS than on the much, much bigger killers cancer and heart disease?

9. Dr. Fauci, do you support funding for the widely admired research Dr. Duesberg is undertaking down a new path in cancer research? If so, will you lend your weight to advising NCI to support his grant applications?

10. Dr Fauci, what co-factors could explain whether people get sick soon or much later?

11. Dr Fauci, if the initial effect of HIV is to increase T cell count as you wrote in your review in 2003 in the textbook Fundamental Immunology, why not use HIV to combat AIDS? Would this not be better than using antiretroviral drugs, which you wrote decreased T cell count, and when stopped, saw T cell count improve?

12. Dr. Fauci, is there a single prediction based on the current paradigm that has come true?

LSE pow wow on evidence and dissent in science

June 18th, 2006


But no sign of awareness of current worst example

Interesting workshop tomorrow at LSE, Monday-Tuesday, 19-20 June- Contingency and Dissent in Science Workshop – T206, Lakatos Building, London School of Economics.

But will this workshop on Dissent in Science grasp the nettle and deal with the greatest case study of all in science today? With HIV?AIDS following a politically maintained, doctrinaire paradigm and actively repressing first rank scientific dissent which is long established in the peer-reviewed literature as overwhelming in logic and evidence, one would hope so.

After all, if these academics won’t address it, who will, inside the established institutional system? With a topic blatantly censored in the popular and scientific media, and in the field itself, the academic world seems to be the last recourse for any free debate.

Our letter a week ago to Nancy Cartwright, who organized the workshop, enquiring as to this possibility has gone unanswered to date. But since this evidently very Establishment lady is a MacArthur fellow whose first book was titled How the Laws of Physics Lie, there seems a glimmer of hope that alerted to the true state of affairs in HIV?AIDS, namely the stifling of debate to an exceptional degree, she might decide to explore the topic.

Here are the details:

Contingency and Dissent in Science: Description of Aims

Jun 13, 2006, at 12:06 AM

Contingency and Dissent in Science

Today society is scrambling to figure out how to manage the uses and abuses of science to minimize harm and maximize public benefit. But we face dramatically opposed attitudes to science. On one hand, it is presumed that the correctness of what science teaches does not come into question. On the other, there is widespread dissent even within the scientific community about results, methods and consequences. This project on contingency and dissent in science aims to develop tools for the scrutiny of the correctness of methods and results in the natural and human sciences based on detailed case studies.

We shall ask

* How contingent are the results of modern science?

* When is contingency harmful?

* When harmful, how can it be minimised?

Dissent is essential for scientific advance and can help reduce contingency: there are no scientific revolutions without scientific revolutionaries. It can also stall crucial decisions, waste money and misdirect effort.

* How has dissent helped to reduce contingency?

* How has it contributed to safeguards in cases where results are insecure?

* When has dissent merely wasted time and effort?

* Can we differentiate political exploitation of dissent from legitimate exploration of scientific uncertainties?

We shall look at

* Epistemological dimensions of dissent. When is dissent intellectually justified and when not? We shall try to develop criteria for distinguishing between a ‘crank’ and a ‘mainstream’ dissenter.

* Political/social/economic dimensions. If a topic is politically charged, there can be political gains from fostering and exploiting dissent. We aim to develop criteria to distinguish between ‘legitimate’ development of scientific uncertainty versus political or economic exploitation.

A reasonable assumption is that contingency is reduced when results are judged via agreed-upon methods. But -

* What happens when there is dissent over methods? Consider weak neutral currents where (according to Peter Galison) different experimental groups championed different methods and would not trust results from the alternatives. Physicists came to agree only when different methods produced the same results. The same is true for continental drift and plate tectonics.

Failing convergence of results, what factors do and should resolve disputes? Philosophers are keen on ‘empirical evidence’ and ‘extra-empirical values’ (like ’simplicity’). What do these abstract concepts amount to in real cases, how do they generate consensus and why assume the consensus is likely to be correct? We shall investigate three cases here:

o High-temperature superconductors. These were created in laboratories in 1986 but theorists still do not agree on how to explain them. The conservative school appeals to an ‘extra-empirical virtue’, demanding a theory as close as possible to that for conventional superconductors. More revolutionary schools urge a radical break: high-temperature superconductors are something new and should not be explained by minimal modifications of existing theory. We will study how controversy is conducted, what role empirical evidence and extra-empirical values play and what else matters in the dispute.

o Climate change. Controversy over global warming might be unexpected, since the case has all the elements conventionally necessary for a scientific demonstration. But the situation is complicated. First, predictions of the severity of the impact of the greenhouse effect rely on complex general-circulation models that are subject to considerable uncertainties. Second, there is deliberate stoking of scientific dissent for political purposes. The self-interests of powerful nations, corporations, and individuals are at stake and opposition has taken the form of attacking the science behind the environmental concern. And an individual who does dissent will find many opportunities to air that dissent in public.

o Randomised-controlled-trials (RCTs). These are generally the only admissible method for judging new medical treatments. For years Bayesians and others dissented, criticising both the logic and morality of RCTs and arguing that they cannot deliver on their promise in many real trials. These arguments had little effect. But cost factors may at last do so. We shall follow this case to compare the effects of dissenting argument with those of economic incentives. We shall also look for positive ways contingencies can be reduced without RCTs.

* What happens when established methods give out? Within specific sciences we usually have agreed-upon methods. But these seldom carry us all the way to the conclusion we need. For instance, economics, and increasingly other social sciences, are dominated by game-theory models that use rigorous techniques, often justified by neat theorems. But how do the results rigorously derived in the model relate to the world? There is no extant methodology. Midway through our attempt to arrive at real-life results, we resort to guesswork and judgement.

A second place where contingency sets in is when evidence must be combined. Consider Michael Marmot’s hypothesis that stress in low-status people produces ill-health. He defends this with a number of different kinds of studies, each adhering to methods appropriate to it. But each study has a local conclusion – Russian mortality or ape health or health/status correlations among Whitehall civil servants. The general conclusions to be drawn are clearly contingent on how these results are combined – and we have few methods for doing this. Our project will study how evidence can/has been/should be combined with health/status evidence as a test case.

* How sure can we be when dissent is missing? Points of possible contingency are easy to detect where there is active dissent but it is much harder when one theory dominates and dissent is practically non-existent.

Consider gauge theory, which has led to important breakthroughs in particle physics. Scientists accept the methodology based on past successes and the similarity of the problems at hand. Dissent is not entirely missing however. Critics note that strange moves had to be made in adopting the methodology to specific problems. How can genuine troublespots be identified? A clue for gauge theories may lie in their relation to theories from which they borrow (like condensed matter physics) and to more fundamental theories (like superstring theory). What can we learn from cases like this about locating points of contingency? For instance, are intertheoretic links a tool for reducing contingency?

We shall concentrate on cases where methods of adjudication are (or should be) in dispute. But it would be a mistake to undertake a study of contingency without consulting the philosophical work done in response to scepticism about scientific results engendered by the dramatic revolutions that many sciences have experienced. We will look in particular at two recent schools that hold out a big promise: they claim to isolate what is likely to prove necessary as our world picture changes from what is merely contingent. But they offer exactly opposite answers. One says that it is the abstract structure of fundamental equations. The other eschews high theory and argues that it is concrete claims about entities and their behaviours that are likely to last. Both claims are too sweeping. We want to reassess the grounds for both, and other emerging alternatives, and try to formulate the conditions under which any plausible alternative is likely to be reliable. (We are in a special position for this since founders of both schools [Cartwright and Worrall] are associated with the project.)

Project Leader is Nancy Cartright

Bio of Nancy Cartwright

Nancy Cartwright is the Chair of the Centre for Philosophy of Natural and Social Science and Professor of Philosophy at the Department of Philosophy, Logic and Scientific Method. She is also Professor of Philosophy at the University of California, San Diego. Her principal interests are philosophy and history of science (especially physics and economics), causal inference and objectivity in science. Her publications include How the Laws of Physics Lie (1983), Nature’s Capacities and their Measurement (1989), Otto Neurath: Philosophy between Science and Politics [co-author] (1995), and The Dappled World: A Study of the Boundaries of Science (1999).

Nancy Cartwright is a Fellow of the British Academy and a member of the American Philosophical Society and the American Academy of Arts and Sciences. She is a recipient of a MacArthur Fellowship and a member of the German Academy of Sciences Leopoldina.

She was married to Sir Stuart Hampshire who died in June 2004. Sir Stuart was a philosopher and reviewer who towards the end of his life worked as Warden of Wadham College Oxford and as Professor at Stanford University. They have two daughters, Emily and Sophie, and a granddaughter, Lucy.

Email: n.l.cartwright ‘at’ lse.ac.uk

Some publications

Nancy Cartwright’s books include:

Hunting Causes and Using Them, Cambridge University Press, forthcoming.

Measuring Causes: Invariance, Modularity and the Causal Markov Condition, Measurement in Physics and Economics Discussion Paper Series

Monograph DP MEAS 10/00, London: Centre for Philosophy of Natural and Social Science, 2000 Measuring Causes: Invariance, Modularity and the Causal Markov Condition

The Dappled World: A Study of the Boundaries of Science,

Cambridge University Press, 1999; Represented as a Fathom Internet Story, Cambridge University Press, 1999 The Dappled World: A Study of the Boundaries of Science

Otto Neurath: Philosophy between Science and Politics, with Jordi Cat, Lola Fleck, Thomas E Uebel,

Cambridge University Press, Ideas in Context Series, 1995 Otto Neurath: Philosophy between Science and Politics

Nature�s Capacities and their Measurement,

Oxford University Press, 1989; reproduced in Oxford Scholarship on Line, 2003 Nature�s Capacities and their Measurement

How the Laws of Physics Lie,

Oxford University Press, 1983; reproduced in Oxford Scholarship on Line, 2003.

Also translated into Chinese, to appear in Shanghai Scientific & Technological Education Publishing House.

Program of Worlshop:

Program of Conference

This project is funded by the Arts and Humanities Research Council (AHRC).

Subject: ‘Evidence and Dissent in Science Workshop’ June 19th and 20th, LSE.

Date: June 13, 2006 12:06:05 AM EDT

Reminder:’Evidence and Dissent in Science Workshop’ June 19th and 20th

(part of the AHRC-funded Contingency and Dissent in Science Project)

Location:

T206, Lakatos Building

London School of Economics

Houghton Street,

London WC2A 2AE

Please register in advance by emailing: ContingencyDissent@lse.ac.uk

Programme:

Monday June 19th

9.00 – 9.30 Registration, Coffee

9.30 – 10.45 Dissent and Evidentiary Procedures

in Regulatory Science

Dr Justus Lentsch

Institute for Science and Technology Studies

University of Bielefeld, Germany

10.50 ˆ 12.05 Defining a role for evidence Œfrom

above‚

Mr Jeremy Howick

Department of Philosophy, Logic and Scientific Method

London School of Economics.

12.15 ˆ 13.30 Does dissent in science differ from dissent in religion?

Prof Steve Fuller

Department of Sociology

University of Warwick

13.30 ˆ 14.30 Break for lunch

14.30 ˆ 15.45 Testimony, Dissent and the Growth of Knowledge

Prof Peter Lipton

History and Philosophy of Science Department

University of Cambridge

15.45 ˆ 16.15 Coffee

16.15 ˆ 17.30 On the Grammar of Pure Scientific

Dissent

Prof Aristides Baltas

National Technical University of Athens, Greece

Tuesday June 20th

9.15 ˆ 9.30 Coffee

9.30 ˆ 10.45 Values, Uncertainty, and Dissent: A Rational Basis for

Scientific Disagreement

Dr Heather Douglas

Philosophy Department

University of Tennessee, Knoxville, U.S.A.

10.50 ˆ 12.05 Evidence and Dissent in Structural Econometrics

Dr Damien Fennell

Centre for Philosophy of Natural and Social Science

London School of Economics

12.05 Closing Remarks.

Steve Fuller, a sociologist at the University of Warwick, will talk at 12.15 on “Does dissent in science differ from dissent in religion?” He is the author of a rather interesting article on the Science Wars he wrote in 1998, The Science Wars: Who Exactly is the Enemy?

C’mon Steve, let’s hear your conclusions on the current topic of the HIV paradigm in AIDS:

This article is scheduled to appear in Japanese in the periodical, ‘Sekai’, at the end of 1998.

THE SCIENCE WARS: WHO EXACTLY IS THE ENEMY?

Steve Fuller

For at least the past five years, an undeclared war has been raging in many university departments in the USA, the UK, and Europe. I write as a veteran of these “Science Wars” that have now reached the shores of Japan. Are the Science Wars the equivalent of an intellectual World War or are they little more than a series of local guerilla incursions? What role, if any, should Japanese scholars take in them? I am here to argue that, to a large extent, the Science Wars are an outgrowth of specifically Western developments in the relationship between science, technology, and society — and that the Japanese situation offers a useful distance from which to critique the assumptions that inform the Science Wars.

The first salvo of the Science Wars was fired in 1992 with the publication of two popular works, one by an American physicist (Dreams of a Final Theory by Steven Weinberg) and the other by a British biologist (The Unnatural Nature of Science by Lewis Wolpert). These books included extended critical discussions of a group of historians, philosophers, and sociologists of science who over the past quarter-century have been challenging many taken-for-granted views about the nature of science. Ironically, Weinberg and Wolpert provided the first exposure of these scholars of “science studies” (or “STS,” for “Science, Technology and Society”) to the general public. Soon thereafter, science studies was connected with other broadly academic leftist movements, such as feminism, postmodernism, and multiculturalism. Arguments traceable to science studies started to appear in science policy forums, especially as grounds for cutting the budgets of expensive research projects and even the enrollments in science courses. In 1994, a biologist and a mathematician, Paul Gross and Norman Levitt, published the first full-length work devoted to these developments (Higher Superstition). They claimed to be part of the “Old Left” (Marxists who protested the “military-industrial complex” in the 1960s) who had become disillusioned with the seemingly pointless radicalism of today’s academic left. Science studies was portrayed as part of this “New Left,” and a major source of cynicism about science’s abilty to solve the world’s problems.

Are these charges well-founded? To be sure, science studies scholars have shown, often in considerable detail, that when science is regarded as a concrete human practice, it displays all the features one would expect of other similarly endowed social, economic, and political institutions. Put most pointedly, they claim that it is difficult to specify empirically the distinctly “rational,” “objective,” or “truth-oriented” character of the scientific mind. It is not that scientists are less rational than the rest of humanity; rather, they are not more rational. Whatever rationality science has displayed is the product of either specific features of its social organization (which enables concentrated periods of both teamwork and criticism) or the control that scientists exert over recounting their own history, which leaves the impression of an overall “progress” that is lacking in other human activities. I do not deny that these are controversial claims that often aim to “demystify” science. However, many science studies scholars have made these points in the spirit of encouraging scientists to be more modest in their own claims so that the public is not led to believe in things that are unlikely to happen. The failure of science to live up to its own expectations has probably done more damage to science’s social standing than any explicit criticism from non-scientists.

In 1994, I organized the first conference that brought together major representatives of both sides of the Science Wars into dialogue. The conference received enormous national publicity in the UK, but nearly three years passed before it was repeated, this time by physicists at the University of Kansas in the USA. In the interim had occcurred an event which made negotiations very difficult. An obscure theoretical physicist, Alan Sokal, had managed to publish an article in a special issue of a leading American cultural studies journal (Social Text) which parodied the style of writing of several notable science studies scholars. In particular, the article inferred wider cultural significance from highly technical scientific concepts and even equations: Einstein’s relativity theory was said to imply philosophical relativism; Heisenberg’s uncertainty principle implied interpretive indeterminacy; chaoplexity implied the fragmented world of the postmodern condition; etc. Moreover, although Sokal’s article was the most highly documented in the special issue, it included some fabricated sources from mathematics and physics, which could have been easily spotted by someone trained in these fields. But the editors neglected to submit Sokal’s article to scientific “peer review” because they found his line of argument so congenial. At least, this was the “spin” that Sokal gave the situation when he revealed the article to be a hoax on the front page of The New York Times in May 1996.

Soon many began to see the controversial character of science studies claims as marks of arrogance and incompetence. But equally, Sokal’s hoax raised more general issues about the level of trust needed for any organized form of inquiry to occur. Given the expense involved in reproducing most scientific experiments today, even the hardest of “hard” scientists are forced to take most of what their colleagues say in print at face value. In other words, Sokal unwittingly found himself teaching science studies by example! This became very evident when conservative political groups in the US began supporting conferences on the Science Wars. Sokal quickly distanced himself from these groups because they used the “socially constructed” character of science as grounds for influencing what academics teach and research. In particular, they aimed to banish all research that could not meet the test of the marketplace and all teaching that did not foster the nation’s cultural values. By those criteria, both theoretical physics and science studies appear to be dubious social constructions. By the time I debated Sokal in Kansas, there was enough common cause between us against the conservatives that the significance of his hoax faded by comparison.

This last point is rather important because it underscores the extent to which “science” is presumed to be a cultural value by both sides of the Science Wars. Admittedly, just based on journalistic coverage, one could easily conclude that the battle is between forces “pro” and “anti” science. However, none of the major academic participants in the Science Wars has ever claimed to be “anti-science.” After all, even the scholars parodied by Sokal stood accused of seeing too much, not too little, cultural significance in recent scientific developments. Rather, the dispute has been over what it means for an activity to be “scientific” and which activities should be counted as scientific. Generally speaking, professional scientists use the term “scientific” to capture certain ideals of inquiry, whereas science studies scholars aim to capture how science is actually practiced, “warts and all,” as it were. Of course, there is a more personal way of posing the question: Who speaks for science: only natural scientists and maybe engineers and medical doctors? or perhaps also historians, philosophers, and sociologists of science? While this should not be an exclusive choice, the polemical character of the Science Wars has generally made it seem that way.

Before Japanese readers decide to take sides in the Science Wars, you need to understand their unique historical significance. Western academics who are not themselves scientists have generally regarded the natural sciences in one of two ways, one corresponding to the humanities and the other to the social sciences.

On the one hand, humanists have usually condescended to the natural sciences in the form of “benign neglect” because they could not see the larger cultural significance of a form of knowledge so intimately tied to technology, manual labor, and the craft tradition more generally. Difficult as it may be to believe now, as recently as 100 years ago Western humanists objected to the placement of laboratories on university grounds because of the unseemly sights, sounds, and smells emanating from them. Indeed, these prejudices were substantially challenged for the first time with Japan’s defeat of Russia in 1905, since Westerners generally knew that the university system established under the Meiji Restoration had placed the natural sciences and engineering at the center of academic life. Shortly thereafter laboratories started to be welcomed in Western universities, alongside calls for the spread of scientific and technical training. Nevertheless, the old humanistic prejudices remained, especially in political circles, as evidenced in C.P. Snow’s famous 1959 lecture on the “two cultures” that is often cited as a precedent for the Science Wars.

On the other hand, social scientists have generally regarded the natural sciences as disciplinary role models, not to mention providers of principles for the rational governance of society. Here it is worth recalling that Auguste Comte, who coined both “positivism” and “sociology,” argued that the natural sciences ought to replace the Roman Catholic Church as the source of world order. Although Comte wrote in the early 19th century, this “sacred” view of science has lasted well into the 20th century. Robert Merton, who is often credited with having the founded the sociology of science, never actually observed “science in action,” in the sense of studying the places where science is done. Rather, he generalized from the accounts of scientific practice given by distinguished scientists and philosophers from the past. This is akin to relying exclusively on the testimony of theologians and saints as evidence when studying the sociology of religion. Social scientists have been traditionally reluctant to study the natural sciences as they would other social practices because of the implications that their findings might have for the status of their own work as “scientists.”

Under these circumstances, perhaps you will not be surprised to learn that the first generation of science studies scholars were actually trained scientists who had become disillusioned with the science’s failure to live up to its public image as an exemplary truth-seeking enterprise. This generation, which came of age in World War II, consisted of such luminaries as Thomas Kuhn, Paul Feyerabend, and Stephen Toulmin. Each had participated in routine scientific work for the war effort in their respective countries — the US, Germany, and the UK — after having completed a first degree in physics. The founders of science studies had originally become scientists in order to pursue natural philosophy by experimental means and thereby acquire a comprehensive understanding of reality. Such a motivation was shared by Newton, Maxwell, and Einstein, but it was out of place in a scaled-up, fragmented scientific enterprise that had come to be driven by military-industrial concerns. The level of disillusionment only increased among scientists who came of age in the following generation, which coincided with the Cold War and the Vietnam War. Thus, the new, post-Merton sociology of science that has been the focus of the Science Wars was conceived by scientists such as Barry Barnes and David Bloor, who defined science studies as the application of the scientific method to science itself. Just as sociology had contributed to the secularization of religion, science studies would contribute to the secularization of science.

So far I have said little about the role of technology in the development of either science or science studies. This is because technology has not figured as an issue in the Science Wars and, until relatively recently, has not even figured as a prominent research topic in science studies. Here Japanese readers should keep in mind the strong cultural distinction between science and technology that is still drawn in the West. Of course, no one denies that over the past 150 years science has been instrumental in the development of new technologies, and that technology has always been an inspiration for scientific inquiry. But the histories of science and technology are still told as very different stories, in which the motivation for undertaking research is crucial in determining whether someone’s achievements belong in the history of science or the history of technology. A good case in point arose at the recent International Conference on Science, Technology and Society that was held in Tokyo, Hiroshima, and Kyoto (16-22 March 1998) under the sponsorship of various Japanese agencies representing science, government, and industry. Here Western scholars such as myself had a valuable opportunity to learn how the large Japanese science studies community framed its research agenda.

There were several indications that Japanese scholars understand the relationship between science, technology, and society in subtly different ways from the “received view” of Western scholars. One clear example is the tendency of Japanese scholars to describe both Michael Faraday and Thomas Edison as “scientists” in roughly the same sense and of roughly the same significance. To be sure, the two men had much in common. Both came from poor backgrounds, had little formal education, but went on to do experimental research that substantially illuminated the electromagnetic realm. And of course, both came to represent “the scientist” in the popular imagination of their time. However, over the years, Western historians of science have shown much greater interest in Faraday than Edison — so much so that Edison’s name is usually omitted from general histories of 19th and 20th century science. There turns out to be two relevant differences between Faraday and Edison. First, Faraday was motivated by a desire to fathom the fundamental forces of nature. This desire had a religious origin that makes his story somewhat more edifying than the largely instrumental and utilitarian concerns that informed Edison’s research. Second, while both Faraday and Edison kept meticulous notebooks of their research, Faraday was much more methodologically self-conscious than Edison, who seemed to resort to a trial-and-error approach on almost all matters. (Here it is worth recalling that Edison is the one who said, “Genius is 1% inspiration and 99% perspiration.”) If one regards the natural sciences as the secular successor of Christianity, a la Comte, then Faraday’s spirituality and discipline would clearly make him a more important figure than Edison.

My point here is that the definition of “science” in both science studies and the Science Wars is strongly colored by the way in which science has developed in the West, namely, as a competitor to organized religion. In that sense, science studies is like the Protestant Reformation, only applied to the scientific establishment. The controversies surrounding Copernicus and Darwin come to mind as precedents in challenging the orthodoxies of their day. Nevertheless, both heliocentric astronomy and evolutionary biology were introduced with relatively little resistance in Japan. Consequently, the history of Japanese science has not needed figures like Galileo or Huxley who achieved heroic status by arguing that a choice had to be made between a scientific and religious way of relating to the world. In this respect, the history of Japan’s selective incorporation of Western science during the Meiji Restoration offers an interesting critical perspective on the nature of science that transcends the cultural limits of the Science Wars.

It is generally known that the Westerners who advised the Japanese government on education and research policy in the last quarter of the 19th century had different goals from those of their Japanese hosts. Whereas the Japanese were interested in Western technical know-how for purposes of what has been called “defensive modernization,” the European and American advisors also wished to impart the cultural values, philosophical systems, and political ideologies that had attended the development of science in the West. Indeed, the latter assumed that the unique history of Western Europe provided the blueprint for all human progress. (Marxism is probably the 20th century philosophy that has most closely adhered to this 19th century assumption.) Thus, argued the advisors, if the establishment of scientific institutions in Japan was not accompanied by liberal capitalist democracy cloaked in a secularized Christian ethic and a materialist metaphysics, those institutions would never reach their full potential. For their part, the Japanese responded with a tactful skepticism that exploited what the economic historian Alexander Gerschenkron has called “the relative advantage of backwardness.” This is the idea that latecomers to economic development have the advantage of learning from the mistakes and idiosyncracies of the innovators, especially by finding more efficient substitutes that draw on native resources.

I believe that Gerschenkron’s idea can be applied quite generally in the Japanese case to cover both intellectual and material resources. For example, Japanese translations reduced Western scientific concepts to operational definitions stripped of metaphysical baggage that for centuries had been the source of many profound but inconclusive debates that often only held up the course of experimental inquiry in Europe. A case in point is Newton’s appeal to “gravity” as a real force in nature, which some read as his attempt to introduce “The Hand of God” into physics. That Japan succeeded in avoiding such debates can be seen in that it entered the top five of world powers in science-based technology in one-tenth the time it took Western Europe to complete its own “Scientific Revolution.” Although the Scientific Revolution is normally said to have occurred in the 17th century, as late as 1898 the same number of university students in Germany — the scientifically most advanced nation of the time — studied theology as all the natural sciences put together. In contrast, the religious and class taboos that delayed the assimilation of the natural sciences in European education did not affect Japan. Indeed, in several other respects, the selective appropriation of the history of Western science by Japan contradicts many of the overblown cultural claims for science made by both sides of the Science Wars.

As soon as “science” began to stand for not only a highly disciplined pursuit of knowledge of nature but also the standard by which all knowledge in society is judged, a tension emerged as to whether science is primarily a critical or a cumulative enterprise. I have called the two poles of this tension the Enlightenment and the Positivist images of science, respectively. The former captures science’s ability to criticize taken-for-granted assumptions (including its own) by subjecting them to empirical and logical test, whereas latter stresses the reliable body of knowledge that is supposed to result from such relentless criticism. The historical tendency in the West has been to connect the Enlightenment image to what Karl Popper called “the open society,” in which everyone is called upon to use their critical reasoning abilities, and the Positivist image to a more “closed society” in which public decision-making is increasingly delegated to experts whose judgement is supposedly less error-prone and more efficient than the ordinary citizen’s.

One area where this clash of images has led to much confusion in the Science Wars concerns the expression, “public understanding of science.” This expression first gained prominence in a 1985 report of the Royal Society, which alleged, in the case of Britain, a connection between low levels of research funding and science literacy and a decline in industrial innovation and wealth creation, when measured against international rivals. The big assumption made in the report and most of the subsequent debate has been that an increased public understanding of both the findings and methods of science will reverse any perceived economic decline, presumably because citizens will become at least more receptive to the idea of increasing research funding levels and may even enroll in courses to become scientists themselves. However, this assumption is little more than a superstition. In fact, most studies show that as people learn more about science, they become more critical of its development and uses, especially in the context of technological applications. In true Enlightenment fashion, the public acquires a form of wisdom that consists in recognizing how little one really knows. Indeed, they come to realize that even the experts know much less about the likely consequences of technological innovations than their policy pronouncements might first suggest. All of this is quite healthy from a democratic standpoint, as it encourages both the public and the experts to assume a greater sense of responsibility for the uncertainties and risks implied in what they say and do. However, it is not clear how the cultivation of these attitudes relate to more growth-oriented goals associated with technological innovation. At the very least, the spread of the Enlightenment function of science means that public debates over increased investment in science-based technologies will need to be conducted at a more sophisticated level. I believe that this is the issue on which all parties to the Science Wars should focus their energies.

To their credit, the science studies community in Japan has begun to tackle this problem seriously. The recent International STS Conference showcased the results of the first Japanese consensus conference on the appropriateness of gene therapy for the treatment of various diseases whose genetic composition is already known. A “consensus conference” consists of a quasi-experimental situation in which a sample of the public are exposed to the details of a technical policy issue and then asked to formulate the basic framework within which policymakers should take their decisions. In the West, consensus conferences have been promoted by two groups: environmental activists and political scientists interested in exploring “deliberative democracy” as a practical alternative to the colonization of the public sphere by experts. The conferences have been generally successful on their own terms, in that ordinary citizens can acquire the technical knowledge needed to debate the relevant policy issues in relatively short time and arrive at frameworks that appear reasonable, even in the eyes of experts. In this respect, consensus conferences are much like trials by jury — except that consensus conferences rarely feed into any actual ongoing policy process. In fact, the only country where consensus conferences are currently used to inform real policy decisions is Denmark, and that is usually attributed to the country’s small and relatively homogeneous population. In short, a sample of the public is readily seen there as a representative sample.

The Japanese initiative, organized by Professors Yukio Wakamatsu (Tokyo Denzi University) and Tadashi Kobayashi (Nanzan University), is distinctive in several respects. Most notably, it comes from the science studies community, which has so far failed to participate in any Western initiatives of this kind. This is somewhat surprising, since consensus conferences are designed to test empirically a claim frequently made in the Science Wars, namely, that scientific experts do not have a monopoly on the knowledge needed to resolve complex science-based policy issues. In any case, the results of the conference were very encouraging, especially given the highly experimental and potentially controversial character of gene therapy. Professors Wakamatsu and Kobayashi succeeded in facilitating dialogue between a wide range of experts and members of the public. This was due, in no small measure, to their own intervention in the process. Themselves no experts in biology, medicine, or economics, but informed by work in science studies, Professors Wakamatsu and Kobayashi asked questions that raised points of uncertainty in the experts’ testimony which helped give members of the public the confidence they needed to air their concerns and ask still more probing questions. The quality of the resulting policy framework was very high by the standard of consensus conferences. This has led the organizers to propose a future conference that will explore Japanese resistance to the Internet and information technology more generally. This seems to me an ideal way for science studies to cultivate a critically informed public for science and technology, while ensuring that it issues in a constructive result. Given the importance of computer-based networking to the emergent “post-industrial” economy, this forthcoming Japanese initiative may offer guidance to the West in “squaring the circle” of the Enlightenment and Positivist images of science. We shall watch in eager anticipation.

Accurate AIDS Wiki solves overlooked problem of Mega Wiki

June 17th, 2006


HIV critics establish corrective to consensus driven bias of standard Wiki

The Times seems fascinated by how the Wikipedia is going to ensure accuracy despite teen spoilers and other threats to its scholarly reliability. Does this have to do with the Times notorious lack of fact checking for its articles on important topics, such AIDS and its science? Whatever the reason, this piece, Growing Wikipedia Revises Its ‘Anyone Can Edit’ Policy By Katie Hafner

The New York Times

June 17, 2006

Growing Wikipedia Revises Its ‘Anyone Can Edit’ Policy

By KATIE HAFNER

Wikipedia is the online encyclopedia that “anyone can edit.” Unless you want to edit the entries on Albert Einstein, human rights in China or Christina Aguilera.

Wikipedia’s come-one, come-all invitation to write and edit articles, and the surprisingly successful results, have captured the public imagination. But it is not the experiment in freewheeling collective creativity it might seem to be, because maintaining so much openness inevitably involves some tradeoffs.

At its core, Wikipedia is not just a reference work but also an online community that has built itself a bureaucracy of sorts — one that, in response to well-publicized problems with some entries, has recently grown more elaborate. It has a clear power structure that gives volunteer administrators the authority to exercise editorial control, delete unsuitable articles and protect those that are vulnerable to vandalism.

Those measures can put some entries outside of the “anyone can edit” realm. The list changes rapidly, but as of yesterday, the entries for Einstein and Ms. Aguilera were among 82 that administrators had “protected” from all editing, mostly because of repeated vandalism or disputes over what should be said. Another 179 entries — including those for George W. Bush, Islam and Adolf Hitler — were “semi-protected,” open to editing only by people who had been registered at the site for at least four days. (See a List of Protected Entries)

While these measures may appear to undermine the site’s democratic principles, Jimmy Wales, Wikipedia’s founder, notes that protection is usually temporary and affects a tiny fraction of the 1.2 million entries on the English-language site.

“Protection is a tool for quality control, but it hardly defines Wikipedia,” Mr. Wales said. “What does define Wikipedia is the volunteer community and the open participation.”

From the start, Mr. Wales gave the site a clear mission: to offer free knowledge to everybody on the planet. At the same time, he put in place a set of rules and policies that he continues to promote, like the need to present information with a neutral point of view.

The system seems to be working. Wikipedia is now the Web’s third-most-popular news and information source, beating the sites of CNN and Yahoo News, according to Nielsen NetRatings.

The bulk of the writing and editing on Wikipedia is done by a geographically diffuse group of 1,000 or so regulars, many of whom are administrators on the site.

“A lot of people think of Wikipedia as being 10 million people, each adding one sentence,” Mr. Wales said. “But really the vast majority of work is done by this small core community.”

The administrators are all volunteers, most of them in their 20’s. They are in constant communication — in real-time online chats, on “talk” pages connected to each entry and via Internet mailing lists. The volunteers share the job of watching for vandalism, or what Mr. Wales called “drive-by nonsense.” Customized software — written by volunteers — also monitors changes to articles.

Mr. Wales calls vandalism to the encyclopedia “a minimal problem, a dull roar in the background.” Yet early this year, amid heightened publicity about false information on the site, the community decided to introduce semi-protection of some articles. The four-day waiting period is meant to function something like the one imposed on gun buyers.

Once the assaults have died down, the semi-protected page is often reset to “anyone can edit” mode. An entry on Bill Gates was semi-protected for just a few days in January, but some entries, like the article on President Bush, stay that way indefinitely. Other semi-protected subjects as of yesterday were Opus Dei, Tony Blair and sex.

To some critics, protection policies make a mockery of the “anyone can edit” notion.

“As Wikipedia has tried to improve its quality, it’s beginning to look more and more like an editorial structure,” said Nicholas Carr, a technology writer who recently criticized Wikipedia on his blog. “To say that great work can be created by an army of amateurs with very little control is a distortion of what Wikipedia really is.”

But Mr. Wales dismissed such criticism, saying there had always been protections and filters on the site.

Wikipedia’s defenders say it usually takes just a few days for all but the most determined vandals to retreat.

“A cooling-off period is a wonderful mediative technique,” said Ross Mayfield, chief executive of a company called Socialtext that is based on the same editing technology that Wikipedia uses.

Full protection often results from a “revert war,” in which users madly change the wording back and forth. In such cases, an administrator usually steps in and freezes the page until the warring parties can settle their differences in another venue, usually the talk page for the entry. The Christina Aguilera entry was frozen this week after after fans of the singer fought back against one user’s efforts to streamline it.

Much discussion of Wikipedia has focused on its accuracy. Last year, an article in the journal Nature concluded that the incidence of errors in Wikipedia was only slightly higher than in Encyclopaedia Britannica. Officials at Britannica angrily disputed the findings.

“To be able to do an encyclopedia without having the ability to differentiate between experts and the general public is very, very difficult,” said Jorge Cauz, the president of Britannica, whose subscription-based online version receives a small fraction of the traffic that Wikipedia gets.

Intentional mischief can go undetected for long periods. In the article about John Seigenthaler Sr., who served in the Kennedy administration, a suggestion that he was involved in the assassinations of both John F. and Robert Kennedy was on the site for more than four months before Mr. Seigenthaler discovered it. He wrote an op-ed article in USA Today about the incident, calling Wikipedia “a flawed and irresponsible research tool.”

Yet Wikipedians say that in general the accuracy of an article grows organically. At first, said Wayne Saewyc, a Wikipedia volunteer in Vancouver, British Columbia, “everything is edited mercilessly by idiots who do stupid and weird things to it.” But as the article grows, and citations slowly accumulate, Mr. Saewyc said, the article becomes increasingly accurate.

Wikipedians often speak of how powerfully liberating their first contribution felt. Kathleen Walsh, 23, a recent college graduate who majored in music, recalled the first time she added to an article on the contrabassoon.

“I wrote a paragraph of text and there it was,” recalled Ms. Walsh. “You write all these pages for college and no one ever sees it, and you write for Wikipedia and the whole world sees it, instantly.”

Ms. Walsh is an administrator, a post that others nominated her for in recognition of her contributions to the site. She monitors a list of newly created pages, half of which, she said, end up being good candidates for deletion. Many are “nonsense pages created by kids, like ‘Michael is a big dork,’ ” she said.

Ms. Walsh also serves on the 14-member arbitration committee, which she describes as “the last resort” for disputes on Wikipedia.

Like so many Web-based successes, Wikipedia started more or less by accident.

Six years ago, Mr. Wales, who built up a comfortable nest egg in a brief career as an options trader, started an online encyclopedia called Nupedia.com, with content to be written by experts. But after attracting only a few dozen articles, Mr. Wales started Wikipedia on the side. It grew exponentially.

For the first year or so, Mr. Wales paid the expenses out of his own pocket. Now the Wikimedia Foundation, the nonprofit organization that supports Wikipedia, is financed primarily through donations, most in the $50 to $100 range.

As the donations have risen, so have the costs. The foundation’s annual budget doubled in the last year, to $1.5 million, and traffic has grown sharply. Search engines like Google, which often turn up Wikipedia entries at the top of their results, are a big contributor to the site’s traffic, but it is increasingly a first stop for knowledge seekers.

Mr. Wales shares the work of running Wikipedia with the administrators and four paid employees of the foundation. Although many decisions are made by consensus within the community, Mr. Wales steps in when an issue is especially contentious. “It’s not always obvious when something becomes policy,” he said. “One way is when I say it is.”

Mr. Wales is a true believer in the power of wiki page-editing technology, which predates Wikipedia. In late 2004, Mr. Wales started Wikia, a commercial start-up financed by venture capital that lets people build Web sites based around a community of interest. Wiki 24, for instance, is an unofficial encyclopedia for the television show “24.” Unlike Wikipedia, the site carries advertising.

Mr. Wales, 39, lives with his wife and daughter in St. Petersburg, Fla., where the foundation is based. But Mr. Wales’s main habitat these days, he said, is the inside of airplanes. He travels constantly, giving speeches to reverential audiences and visiting Wikipedians around the world.

Wikipedia has inspired its share of imitators. A group of scientists has started the peer-reviewed Encyclopedia of Earth, and Congresspedia is a new encyclopedia with an article about each member of Congress.

But beyond the world of reference works, Wikipedia has become a symbol of the potential of the Web.

“It can tell us a lot about the future of knowledge creation, which will depend much less on individual heroism and more on collaboration,” said Mitchell Kapor, a computer industry pioneer who is president of the Open Source Applications Foundation.

Zephyr Teachout, a lawyer in Burlington, Vt., who is involved with Congresspedia, said Wikipedia was reminiscent of old-fashioned civic groups like the Grange, whose members took individual responsibility for the organization’s livelihood.

“It blows open what’s possible,” said Ms. Teachout. “What I hope is that these kinds of things lead to thousands of other experiments like this encyclopedia, which we never imagined could be produced in this way.”

was granted top left positioning above the fold today (Sat Jun 17), which is rather remarkable.

Much discussion of Wikipedia has focused on its accuracy. Last year, an article in the journal Nature concluded that the incidence of errors in Wikipedia was only slightly higher than in Encyclopaedia Britannica. Officials at Britannica angrily disputed the findings.

“To be able to do an encyclopedia without having the ability to differentiate between experts and the general public is very, very difficult,” said Jorge Cauz, the president of Britannica, whose subscription-based online version receives a small fraction of the traffic that Wikipedia gets.

Intentional mischief can go undetected for long periods. In the article about John Seigenthaler Sr., who served in the Kennedy administration, a suggestion that he was involved in the assassinations of both John F. and Robert Kennedy was on the site for more than four months before Mr. Seigenthaler discovered it. He wrote an op-ed article in USA Today about the incident, calling Wikipedia “a flawed and irresponsible research tool.”

Yet Wikipedians say that in general the accuracy of an article grows organically. At first, said Wayne Saewyc, a Wikipedia volunteer in Vancouver, British Columbia, “everything is edited mercilessly by idiots who do stupid and weird things to it.” But as the article grows, and citations slowly accumulate, Mr. Saewyc said, the article becomes increasingly accurate.

What the Times piece doesn’t really get to is the more subtle core problem of the Wiki, which is not the obvious one of factual accuracy so much as the distortion of judgment likely when the mainstream view is strongly questioned. The view likely to be endorsed by the Wiki crowd editing approach is the consensus view, and alternatives are likely to be disparaged.

The Wiki founder (Jimmy Wales, photo above) explains how entries are encouraged to be “objective” and if they are the problem won’t be seen, but people being what they are “objectivity” is a virtue notoriously hard to inculcate even in media reporters, in whom it is supposedly a professional qualification. This is notoriously seen in HIV?AIDS coverage but really in almost any area reporters will tend to convey whatever bias their more valued sources share.

So it is not surprising that the problem presents itself with the entries on AIDS and HIV, a topic in which the supporters of the current paradigm are often more doctrinaire than religious zealots, and believe themselves to be morally virtuous to condemn the review suggested by critics to whom it makes no more sense than any other superstition or religious belief.

To escape this misleading bias the critics of HIV?AIDS science have initiated a Wiki of their own, under the helmsmanship of the founder of this ingenious initiative, the mathematician Darin Brown. Those incapable of independent thought on the topic are kept out of the writing and editing process, since Brown and Frank Lusardi, the notoriously tough minded and professional Web site creator and administrator who is hosting the AIDS Wiki, are vetting who gets to gain entry to its hallowed grounds.

The software is generally available, and others have taken similar initiatives for similar reasons:

Wikipedia has inspired its share of imitators. A group of scientists has started the peer-reviewed Encyclopedia of Earth, and Congresspedia is a new encyclopedia with an article about each member of Congress….

“It can tell us a lot about the future of knowledge creation, which will depend much less on individual heroism and more on collaboration,” said Mitchell Kapor, a computer industry pioneer who is president of the Open Source Applications Foundation.

Zephyr Teachout, a lawyer in Burlington, Vt., who is involved with Congresspedia, said Wikipedia was reminiscent of old-fashioned civic groups like the Grange, whose members took individual responsibility for the organization’s livelihood.

“It blows open what’s possible,” said Ms. Teachout. “What I hope is that these kinds of things lead to thousands of other experiments like this encyclopedia, which we never imagined could be produced in this way.”

Those who wish to read this burgeoning construction and gain the happily uncensored (by the establishment) and rightfully censored (by the HIV?AIDS science critics) guide to who’s who and what’s what on the other side of the science on this vexed topic will find it at the Rethinking AIDS website, specifically at AIDS Wiki.

Revolutionary committee celebrates plans with exclusive party

June 11th, 2006


Historic session of HIV?AIDS revisionists capped with evening hospitality

A day marked with rapid progress in arranging their future strategy in combating censorship in HIV?AIDS ended for the Committee for the Reappraisal of HIV?AIDS in a cordoned off section of the Roosevelt bar this evening, where they were joined in drinks, delicacies and the heavy private club armchairs by guests including three writers from sophisticated New York based media, one of them tall, slim and brunette and armed with a notebook and pencil preparing a profile of Celia Farber.

Other guests included tall, slim Mark Setteducati, the globe trotting magician, who remarked that he had seen through the HIV theory of AIDS from the beginning, since his own business was “fooling people”. His business card is entirely black on both sides, a puzzle for the recipient until with a snap of his fingers Mark makes it open to reveal his name and address, written in backwards font on one side legible only in the mirrored side opposite.

“Pretty tricky”, we allowed. “That’s what I mean”, said Mark. We introduced him to Peter Duesberg, who when he learned Mark was a magician said that he could be very useful to the HIV?AIDS establishment. “You could make the virus cause AIDS,” he said. “That’s what they need!”

Manhattan quietly infiltrated by radical science group

June 10th, 2006


Revolutionaries plan further gains in HIV?AIDS row

As an answer to the UN “AIDS at 25″ celebration last weekend (which was described to this author today at the UN by an official there in the following terms: “Did you ever see such a job creation machine?”), the members of the Committee for the Reappraisal of HIV/AIDS flew into New York City from Europe and the West Coast this evening to meet at the Roosevelt Hotel, a midtown holdover from the past and therefore suitable for modern samurai fighting for old fashioned standards in science to rest their heads.

Currently the best choice in hotels in New York for anybody who understands that long etablished is good, the Pakistani owned hotel is still splendid in an old fashioned way, with its personable staff and marble floors and polished brass and wood and fleur de lis carpets and one of the city’s best kept secrets, its bar, which is grand and cosy at the same time. Apparently when asked for an Internet connection to a meeting room it charges through the nose for a T1 line, the staff not yet having heard of wireless.

After a sojourn at said bar to gather their wits and energy, twelve of the core members and a couple of guests moved to the Jewel of India, a spacious curry restaurant along from the Harvard Club, where they bonded in preparation for two days of concentrated discussion on future strategy in the information war in this field, which has resisted free debate on the cause and cure of HIV?AIDS for two decades.

Among the highlights of the sessions at a nearby location will be a Sunday morning presentation by the renowned scientist, amiable, joking and very sharp Peter Duesberg, which invited guests will also attend, including four filmmakers at last count, with cameramen.

Other members of the board at the meeting will include Neville Hodgkinson, the London Sunday Times correspondent who wrote a huge series exposing the problems of the field and its science in the mid nineties, the diminutive bombshell Joan Shenton, who has made several award winning documentaries on the topic for independent TV in London, the slim progressive Christine Maggiore, whose book has long been the best rundown for the layman who wishes to know what is going on, tall, mustachioed David Crowe, who runs the Alberta group of independent thinkers on AIDS, hardbitten renegade Frank Lusardi the distinguished designer of million dollar dot com boom websites, long dark haired Bryan Owen, Alabama webmaster of the Committee for the Reappraising AIDS website, the Panlike Claus Koehlein a medical authority from Germany who has just published a book on “Virus Mania”, unfortunately so far still in German, and the very tall San Fransciscan angel Robert Leppo, the investor who has backed Duesberg’s research on the same principle as the start ups he finances, which is that he believes in him personally.

A number of journalists and authors in the field and out of it will be attending the open session also, including Celia Farber of Harpers’s who just published the LA CityBeat clarification of the Maggiore tragedy, Anthony Liversidge a science freelancer who is writing a book on the abuse of trust in modern science, Marcus Cohen, who has devoted seven columns in the past year in the Townsend Letter to the topic of HIV?AIDS and its errors, and Robert Houston, the independent medical authority in cancer who has heavily researched HIV?AIDS, and others.

Special note: If anyone here wishes to attend, they should email us, since we have been given several invitations to pass on.

Celia Farber writes what should be the last word on Eliza Jane Scovill

June 7th, 2006


Los Angeles CityBeat carries the whole truth about lynch mob beset tragedy

Celia Farber follows up her Harper’s article with a definitive piece on the Maggiore mess today, published in Los Angeles CityBeat:

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A Daughter’s Death, A Mother’s Survival

“ I want to know the truth about what killed EJ,” says Christine Maggiore, right, with her husband Robin Scovill and son, Charlie.

Photo by Max S. Gerber

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This cover story, which combines the nightmare sociology with a sure grasp of the medical issue, shows clearly what the cause of Eliza Jane’s sudden death had to be, and it was not, of course, HIV, but amoxicillin. There has never been any scientific reason to think otherwise, except for those infatuated with the idea that HIV is a microbe with devilish powers, which cannot be accounted for by conventional medicine, but nonetheless mysteriously accounts for all illness and death in or near its presence, whether on the list of AIDS symptoms or not.

AIDS has become synonymous with rage and hatred of those who think differently from the orthodoxy. About that there is no question. The question is: In such a climate, what are the chances of anybody, on either side, being able to see clearly what the “facts” are about the sudden death of Eliza Jane Scovill, one year ago? Especially one fact: the county coroner has produced no HIV test on EJ Scovill.

Farber has a peculiar knack for seeing the psychosocial forces which give rise to superstition, and their power to spur the kind of crowd behavior in the well informed 21st Century which reminds one of witchhunts of old. Christine Maggiore, having suffered the greatest loss imaginable as a parent, has had to put up with her personal tragedy being compounded by a storm of ignorant and hostile comment on and off the Web, plus poorly reported articles, and the insult and threat of official enquiry.

Dr. Ribe was summoned to oversee the second autopsy, and arrived at the “AIDS” diagnosis. The primary concern about Ribe’s credibility is that he is under investigation by the L.A. Appellate Court for having submitted flawed and possibly fraudulent autopsy reports in several cases cases that led to murder convictions of parents.

Ribe concluded that Eliza Jane died of AIDS as determined by PCP pneumonia and “brain encephalopathy,” after an HIV-associated protein called p24 was found in her brain tissue, which Maggiore refers to as a “scavenger hunt” set into motion when no p24 was found in her daughter’s blood.

Critics say that p24 is found in healthy controls, outside of HIV contexts, and that EJ showed no signs of dementia or any brain abnormality while alive. Ribe stated adamantly on 20/20 Primetime that EJ’s lungs were ravaged by Pneumocystic organisms and her brain by “HIV,” which was not advertised as being found in the blood but only in the brain in the form of this one protein, p24.

The program set off another round of blog warfare and attacks on Maggiore. What was striking was the mercilessness in the voice of the attackers.

One woman, Heather Knolls Morgan, to cite one of countless examples of anti-Maggiore sociopathology on the Internet, wrote in to a thread at Reason’s Hit and Run blog: “Christine, your daughter is six feet under. Are you happy now?”

Here is another example, a flyer mentioned in the story, of the grotesque antics of the virtuous conformists who in their self righteous enmity of her independent mind passed around this vicious image to revenge themselves on the bereaved mother.

One of these groups printed a flyer that was originally a picture of EJ in a hat, taken from a website that friends of Maggiore and Scovill put up, but the photo was defaced. Black X marks were over her eyes, her lips were morphed and turned down over ghoulish teeth, and the text read: “I died of neglect and AIDS and then my Mommy paid people big bucks to lie and say it was bad medicine! See you in HELL Mommy!”

Farber sees through it all. Bringing order out of chaos, and light into this darkness, her article is a set of solid stepping stones, on which one treads behind her across the rushing, dark torrent of hysteria, fear, panic, and hostility that engulfs so many who do not have such a guide. She is also someone who lets Maggiore speak for herself.

Maggiore herself made the following arguments in her unpublished letters to the L.A. Times and in countless skirmishes with journalists and bloggers: First, that during the last two weeks of her daughter’s life, three doctors listened to EJ’s lungs and declared them “clear.” Her lungs were operating at full capacity three weeks before her death, when she was videotaped at a birthday party blowing an unfurling paper tooter repeatedly. (This footage was given to ABC Primetime, which did not air it.) She also noted that her daughter never turned blue in the extremities, but was “pink” until the very end, and that she did not die of respiratory failure, but rather, cardiac arrest. She said that although her daughter’s lungs on autopsy were fluid filled, there was no inflammation, and that pneumonia is characterized by inflammation.

In other words, nothing wrong with Eliza Jane’s lungs before she encountered amoxicillin. By the end, we see the heart of darkness that is the core of the sociology of HIV?AIDS, and the reasons why science and rational medicine have been set aside so easily at the level of the petty official, the common reporter, and the average Joe and Jane. All of these acted against the couple without any good reason to do ss.

The L.A. Times article by Costello and Ornstein contained no mention of EJ’s HIV status, or whether she was tested. Her HIV status was not contained in the coroner’s report, and for several weeks Maggiore and Scovill were faced with the Kafka-esque situation of being denied their own daughter’s HIV serology records (HIV tests, unlike other viral tests, are run repeatedly, often have different outcomes, and banding patterns that can be interpreted subjectively. It is not a clear Yes or No, and is often decided based on the patient’s identification with a risk group.)

Of course the real clincher is the mention of Eliza Jane’s T cell count, which was very healthy indeed. Nothing wrong with this child’s immune system, either.

Maniotis said something that I have never heard noted before. “They did a lymphocyte count on Eliza Jane when she was admitted to the hospital. Forget everything else. Her absolute lymphocyte count was 10,800 cells per milliliter. She was not immune suppressed. That’s all you’ve got to know. She could not have died from PCP and had 10,800 lymphocytes in her bloodstream at the time of death. No way. It just doesn’t happen. Nor could she have encephalitis. End of story, it’s that simple. 10,800 lymphocytes is very high, and the World Health Organization has said that it is a legitimate standard way of gauging the immune system, in the absence of testing for CD4/CD8 ratios. An AIDS patient has to have below 1,000 total lymphocyte counts. Normal is about 4,000 to 8,000. EJ’s was 10,800. Even according to the most strident HIV dogmatists, AIDS is still a disease of too few lymphocytes, not too many. All the pathologists I talk to find this logic hard to refute. She could not have had PCP, nor died of it.”

What’s surprising and reassuring is that not only has Maggiore’s spirit survived so far intact, but that she has found widespread support in her own community. One pillar is of course her husband, Robin Scoville, whose film, The Other Side of AIDS, remains one of the best and most accessible exposes of all that has turned rotten in this particular state of science.

If you’re going to put Christine and Robin on trial you may as well put all of us parents in this community on trial. We would have done no different than what they did—they are exceptional parents,” added Cliver. She says now, “I am so furious, and I told that detective what I thought of her. I told her how disgusting this is, to all of us, how morally and ethically wrong. “

None of the parents in the TK name community have turned against Maggiore and Scovill—far from it—they support them all the way, and continually tell the investigators as much each time they come knocking.

We think this piece by Farber is likely to be more powerful in explaining reality to those who want to know across the world than her twelve pages in Harpers. It will also serve as a powerful foretaste of her book, Serious Adverse Events, to be published on July 1, which will doubtless burn the fingers of the mandarins of HIV?AIDS science as they leaf through it wondering how to stop these tumbling propaganda dominoes.

Here is the story, with the original title and subhead, which we like better:

Los Angeles CityBeat

Jun 8 Thursday

THE MONSTER WITHIN

A year after the sudden death of Eliza Jane Scovill, the battle over the LA Coroner’s mystifying diagnosis has unleashed a heated battle between those who fear HIV and those who don’t. It’s getting very ugly. For “treatment activists,” it’s worth stooping to criminal harassment, and psychic torture to STOP Christine Maggiore from talking about what she thinks killed her daughter.

By Celia Farber

It was in the early spring of 2005 when Christine Maggiore and her two children, Eliza Jane, 3, and Charlie, 8, scored a tiny victory against loss.

A bee got caught on the windshield of their car as they drove Charlie to school. “EJ misheard something I said about nectar and thought the bee’s name was Hector,” Maggiore recalls.

Christine slowed the car down and drove the rest of the ride at 20 miles per hour, while the three of them, as she recalls it, “all shouted at Hector to hang on.”

“Charlie’s task was to report changes in stop lights to me so I could concentrate on Hector, while EJ was in charge of keeping up Hector’s spirits.”

They were late for school, but the bee named Hector was still alive when they got there 40 minutes later. The children watched attentively as Christine delivered him safely onto a lavender plant.

No such shielding spirits, providence, or mercy came their way on the terrible night of May 15. EJ had developed a runny nose and cough two weeks earlier, which resolved, but eventually developed into an ear infection. Christine, by all accounts a very protective mother, took EJ to a total of three doctors, all of whom said she had nothing serious, that her lungs sounded clear, and that Christine and her husband Robin Scovill should wait and watch, and place her on an antibiotic only if the ear infection worsened. A third doctor, a personal friend of the family who made a house call—was concerned about redness in EJ’s ears and prescribed an antibiotic called Amoxycillin, at 400 milligrams twice a day. After the second dose, on May 15, EJ vomited several times. After the third dose, by the next evening, she became agitated, pale, and cold to the touch. Robin called the doctor who had prescribed the antibiotic and while he was on the phone with him, Christine started screaming from the other room: “She stopped breathing!!”

Robin ran to perform mouth-to-mouth resuscitation, while Christine, sobbing, called 911. Paramedics arrived and found EJ pulseless; they rushed her by ambulance to Valley Presbyterian Hospital, where she was pronounced dead after several hours of attempts to revive her. The EMT report stated that she had died of cardiac arrest. The attending physician that filled out a cause of death form stating that, in his opinion, “this death was caused by sepsis.”

When word started to trickle out that Christine Maggiore’s daughter had died, it carried a very loaded cargo even beyond the universal sadness no parent wants to fathom. For years she had been a public and well-known campaigner for the most agonized polemic in all of contemporary medicine—the fight about whether HIV “causes” AIDS. In recent years, the 49-year-old Maggiore—HIV positive and healthy for 14years—had relaxed her identity as a global warrior who fought the psychic death sentence attached to HIV. For years, hers had been a fairly benign message of positivism that her many detractors would spitefully call “AIDS denialism.” But at the time of EJ’s death she was enjoying being a stay-at-home mother who doted on her kids, raising them in a gentle, counter-cultural zone shared by a community that favored organic diets, limited antibiotics, and no vaccinations. Having first hand experience with the oddities and uncertainties of the HIV test, she quite naturally never had them tested for HIV. Nor did Eliza Jane’s two pediatricians of record—Dr. Paul Fleiss and Dr. Jay Gordon– ever request of the parents that they have EJ (or Charlie) tested.

The question of what killed little Eliza Jane has pitted those who question HIV’s role in AIDS against those who are certain it is uniformly deadly, and turned the “debate” into an all-out war. The evidence at the heart of the war is a Rorschach blot for everything that remains dizzyingly unresolved about what AIDS is and is not.

Four months after Eliza Jane died, after an initial autopsy finding no apparent cause of death, the couple got a call from a reporter for the Los Angeles Times, Dan Costello, who said he was running a story on the coroner’s new assessment that EJ had died of AIDS—specifically, a kind of pneumonia called PCP. The L.A. Times had somehow been tipped off to this new result before the report was even completed. When Christine returned Costello’s call, and asked that they hold the story until there was time for them to even receive and digest the autopsy report, he told her he was under “tremendous pressure” to run with the story two days later.

“From whom?” she asked.

“I can’t say,” Costello answered.

“Is it the coroner’s office?” Maggiore asked.

“No,” he answered.

(Costello did not respond to an interview request. His cowriter Charles Ornstein said that their story would have to “stand on its own.”)

On September 12, 2005, the Times ran a cover story by Costello and Ornstein accusing Maggiore, in so many words, of murder. Titled, “A Mother’s Denial, A Daughter’s Death,” it was a slam-dunk indictment that assumed the revised coroner’s report was accurate, and that EJ had died of AIDS-related pneumonia—which could have been prevented if her mother had had her tested, and medicated with AIDS drugs. Pedicatricians who never laid eyes on EJ were quoted telling readers what she died of, and how they themselves could have saved her with their own HIV vigilance, and treatment strategies. (Optional)

The L.A. Times refused to publish a letter from Maggiore in which she spelled out the facts that contradicted the claims made about her daughter’s autopsy findings in the newspaper, citing a policy not to “publish letters that dispute known facts.”. It was around this time that I began to speak to Christine Maggiore on the phone and take notes on her story, which often left me speechless. I had been reporting on AIDS for 20 years, and we were both familiar with the impossibly censorious and even brutal treatment one can expect if one is branded an “AIDS denialist, ” which entails listening to those now countless scientists and MD’s (2300 and counting) who disagree with the paradgim. We talked about our own capacity for seeing, hearing, knowing reality. “I want to know what killed EJ,” she would say, and I felt she really meant that.

More and more, as time passed, I started to see the story as one that was less and less medical, more and more psycho-social – a story of an almost crushing kind of mob rule, where the victims have no rights. Few could resist the delicious temptation to condemn a “denialist” mother, or to appropriate EJ as their own tragic little girl. It was all done in the pitch-perfect tones of the AIDS morality play some of us know so well.

So; they have had their play. The lights have gone up, the mother is, in some minds, swinging from the gallows, and the pious are triumphant in their lament. Bloggers have made their names dissecting and re-dissecting EJ’s autopsy reports with tongue-clucking certainty. ABC Primetime showed footage of Christine and Robin watching film of EJ’s brain tissue, which was said to be ravaged by an HIV protein called p24. They then posted her autopsy report on their website, which the anti-Maggiore bloggers went at like sharks after chum. Anonymous hate groups sprouted from Bethesda to L.A., distributing increasingly deranged flyers, erecting an anti-Maggiore website, and even starting a new activist group : The “Christine Maggiore Action Committee,” (CMAC, pronounced “smack”) devoted to forcing her to publicly recant her HIV positions, and “apologize for her involvement in the AIDS denialism movement.” One of these groups printed a flyer that was originally a picture of EJ in a hat, taken from a website that friends of Maggiore and Scovill put up, but the photo was defaced. Black X marks were over her eyes, her lips were morphed and turned down over ghoulish teeth, and the text read: “I died of neglect and AIDS and then my Mommy paid people big bucks to lie and say it was bad medicine! See you in HELL Mommy!”

These and other similarly grisly flyers were distributed all over L.A.. She received profane, abusive emails from email addresses with her late daughter’s name in the address, as well as heavy breathing anonymous phone calls that were traced to the Gay and Lesbian Transgender Community Center (LGBT) in L.A. who also distributed 1,500 copies of a leaflet asking people to get involved in the campaign to “…Help STOP Christine Maggiore.”

All this all courtesy of the people who for years have instructed the world about “compassion.” They were once called “AIDS activists;” now they are called “Treatment Activists.” EJ Scovill’s death has become, in the past year, the very crucible of the HIV Causation War.

I have more of these profane and cruel flyers and emails at hand, but let’s stop there. The point is made. AIDS has become synonymous with rage and hatred of those who think differently from the orthodoxy. About that there is no question. The question is: In such a climate, what are the chances of anybody, on either side, being able to see clearly what the “facts” are about the sudden death of Eliza Jane Scovill, one year ago? Especially one fact: the county coroner has produced no HIV test on EJ Scovill.

AIDS is So Obvious

Christine Maggiore originally tested positive on an HIV test during a routine medical exam in 1992, and became a poster girl for heterosexual, middle-class AIDS, speaking to students and groups of young women, telling them: : “If I can get it, anybody can.”

But the spell broke. She became an HIV “skeptic” after she repeated the HIV test and tested inconclusive twice, positive three times, and negative once. This caused her to start researching the scientific underpinnings of the HIV test, the hypothesis itself, the assumptions about illness and death attached to it, and the wisdom of the drug regimens. She founded what would become the largest “dissident” AIDS charity in the country, Alive and Well, rooted in the heretical idea that people who tested positive for HIV antibodies could live long healthy lives and not die from HIV “infection,” per se. Above all it was about empowering people to read, research, and make informed choices. She never gave direct medical advice. She authored a self-published book: What if Everything You Thought You Knew About AIDS Was Wrong? and became a kind of motivational figurehead for the HIV positives of the world, speaking, holding meetings, and working behind the scenes to help both mothers and fathers who were under siege by draconian HIV mandates.

Being hyper-aware of the high incidence of false positives, of the stigmas attached to the test and a positive result, and above all, of the crushing power of the state to enforce toxic medications, ban breastfeeding, and even seize perfectly healthy children at gunpoint if HIV positive mothers disobeyed, Maggiore says to this day that she does not regret not testing her children. Since EJ died, she had Charlie tested and he has tested negative on all tests, as has her husband Robin, with whom she has had unprotected sex for 11 years. Robin Scovill is an award-winning filmmaker who shares his wife’s convictions about the need to question HIV dogma. He won the Special Jury Prize at the AFI Los Angeles International Film festival for his documentary The Other Side of AIDS. (Scovill has been all but erased from media portrayals of the story, which focus instead on the archetypal Bad Mother.)

On May 16, 2005, Eliza Jane’s body was referred to the L.A. County Coroner to determine a cause of death, which was then listed as “unknown.” AIDS had not been considered initially. Maggiore and Scovill did not volunteer the news that Christine had tested positive, as well as negative and indeterminate, so the examiners initially did not see the girl’s body through the lens of HIV or AIDS. A friend of theirs, Keith Relkin, identifying himself as a student of public policy, called the coroner’s office on May 21, and asked if routine HIV tests were administered in cases of unexplained death. Relkin spoke to a male employee who told him the coroner does not consider routine HIV testing necessary because “AIDS is so obvious.” Coroner’s know, or knew before this case, that a PCP death caused massive destruction to the lungs and could be seen instantly.

Nor did the coroner consider, apparently, the possibility of an antibiotic-related death. The reason for all this obfuscation is clear to me: The mother is an “AIDS denialist,” and therefore stands accused of not seeing AIDS. What the medical examiners saw, before they knew whose daughter they were looking at, was nothing.

On May 18, L.A. County medical examiner Dr. Changsri called and spoke to Scovill, telling him that she had found “nothing apparent,” as a cause of death, and would need to see what might grow in cultures. Meanwhile, she would release Eliza Jane to a mortuary.

On May 26, an investigator from the coroner’s office called Dr. Paul Fleiss, one of Eliza Jane’s pediatricians, and asked if he knew about “the parents,” and “what happens when you Google the mother’s name.”

When Fliess replied he didn’t think Google searches would illuminate what killed Eliza Jane, the woman snapped that she thought Maggiore’s book had “everything to do” with the case. Under threat of subpeona, she demanded that Fleiss immediately fax Eliza Jane’s medical records to the coroner’s office.

In early August, Maggiore started calling the coroner’s office for any possible information about Eliza Jane’s second autopsy. She was told by the coroner’s office that the case had been placed on “security hold,” and no information was available. A Detective Castillo from the LAPD had ordered the hold; Maggiore was told she could get no additional information. A few days later, Maggiore called again and asked under what circumstances the hold might be lifted. The woman who answered the phone shouted: “Hold is hold. Do you understand the meaning of the word hold?” When Maggiore replied that she understood it to be a matter of waiting, the woman yelled: “It’s a police matter. You need to take it up with the police. Do you understand that?”

On September 13, somebody from the coroner’s office called and angrily told Scovill that they had determined the cause of death to be “AIDS pneumonia,” and that the family had caused them difficulty by “withholding information.”

But did EJ “have” HIV? Was she tested? Or was it her mother’s HIV positive status that caused the diagnosis—the Googling of her name and history? Did her lungs show evidence of fatal pneumonia? Did her blood show signs of a crashed immune system, as measured by lymphocyte counts, viral load, HIV antibodies, anything?

The couple were told that the new autopsy report would be ready by September 16. The couple provided their address. In this same conversation, they were told that EJ’s case had been so difficult because the coroner’s office “didn’t know HIV was an issue.”

On September 15, L.A. Times reporter Dan Costello left a voicemail message asking for comment on a story he had mostly written already, and which was scheduled to run on September 17. The L.A. Times did not have a copy of the coroner’s report, but had been told that the cause of death had been re-classified as “AIDS.” Coroner James Ribe had been brought in by Dr. Changsri to “help resolve” the case and it was he who had penned the word “AIDS” to the report. (THIS CRUCIAL) It is not known how the L.A. Times got this information, even before Scovill and Maggiore had received their copy of the coroner’s report in the mail, which was on September 23. (The Coroner’s office at press time had not returned a call for comment.)

The L.A. Times article by Costello and Ornstein contained no mention of EJ’s HIV status, or whether she was tested. Her HIV status was not contained in the coroner’s report, and for several weeks Maggiore and Scovill were faced with the Kafka-esque situation of being denied their own daughter’s HIV serology records (HIV tests, unlike other viral tests, are run repeatedly, often have different outcomes, and banding patterns that can be interpreted subjectively. It is not a clear Yes or No, and is often decided based on the patient’s identification with a risk group.)

“We have been trying since September of last year to gather information about and copies of any and all HIV-related diagnostics that may have been performed on our daughter post-mortem,” said Maggiore. “The position of the coroner’s office had been to refer us to the lab and the lab’s position is they’re not giving us anything absent a subpeona.” That seems suspicious, does it not?

Diagnostics aside, what about the corporeal evidence?

On what basis did the coroner determine, after four months, that EJ had died of PCP pneumonia? This is a question that has been analyzed into powder-grade detail on blogs, radio shows, and even network TV over the past year. HIV believers see pneumonia clear as day, those who question the causes of AIDS do not. Vituperative condescension is the one note struck by those who believe it was AIDS, bloggers being the most wild-eyed. “Bad mothering,” cant mixed with AIDS “denial” rage, against a backdrop of hatred against the entirety of Alternative Medicine Culture, depicted as “crackpots,” by the Libertarian leaning Internet rationlists. (Dean: This additon not critical. Don’t get mad.)

Maggiore herself made the following arguments in her unpublished letters to the L.A. Times and in countless skirmishes with journalists and bloggers: First, that during the last two weeks of her daughter’s life, three doctors listened to EJ’s lungs and declared them “clear.” Her lungs were operating at full capacity three weeks before her death, when she was videotaped at a birthday party blowing an unfurling paper tooter repeatedly. (This footage was given to ABC Primetime, which did not air it.) She also noted that her daughter never turned blue in the extremities, but was “pink” until the very end, and that she did not die of respiratory failure, but rather, cardiac arrest. She said that although her daughter’s lungs on autopsy were fluid filled, there was no inflammation, and that pneumonia is characterized by inflammation.

The day after EJ died, friend started worrying about the fairness and accuracy of any autopsy, and advised the couple to back up with an outside reviewer. Dr. Mohammed Al Bayati, a board certified toxicologist and pathologist, offered to review the L.A. Coroner’s autopsy findings for them, free of charge. He reviewed the autopsy data exhaustively over a period of four weeks and concluded: “Eliza Jane’s death was not caused by Pneumocystis carinii Pneumonia or any type of pneumonia. Her lungs did not show an inflammatory response to medically justify a diagnosis of pneumonia of any kind. Eliza Jane’s death resulted from acute allergic reaction to amoxicillin [a form of penicillin] which caused severe hypotension, shock, and cardiac arrest.”

Anaphylactic deaths due to so-called beta-lactam antibiotics result in up to 1000 deaths per year. According to Al Bayati, and others who have reviewed his assessment of the coroner’s report, the most striking thing about EJ’s autopsy findings were the amount of displaced fluids in the body, suggestive of a massive toxic reaction. Forty percent of her body fluids had been displaced and “leaked out into the tissues,” which is consistent with toxicity, causing the body’s vasculature to become permeable. All of her organs—lungs, heart, liver and kidneys, were way larger than normal, engorged and fluid filled, which is what Al Bayati says caused multiple organ failure culminating in cardiac arrest.

This claim—that EJ was killed by a reaction to the antibiotic—in turn caused a massive wave of attacks on Al Bayati’s credibility throughout the blogophere. It was noted that he is on the advisory board of Alive and Well, and that he is on record having stated that he does not believe HIV causes AIDS.

There are several kinds of antibiotic reactions that can be fatal: Some are immediate and others are delayed, or “late,” occurring up to 72 hours after ingesting the drug. Package inserts for Amoxycillin describe possible fatal reactions that include: “cardiovascular collapse,” “nausea and vomiting,” and “hemolytic anemia.” (EJ was found to be severely anemic.)

Credibility wars raged against Al Bayati on the one hand, and Chief Coroner Dr. James Ribe on the other. Dr. Ribe was summoned to oversee the second autopsy, and arrived at the “AIDS” diagnosis. The primary concern about Ribe’s credibility is that he is under investigation by the L.A. Appellate Court for having submitted flawed and possibly fraudulent autopsy reports in several cases cases that led to murder convictions of parents.

Ribe concluded that Eliza Jane died of AIDS as determined by PCP pneumonia and “brain encephalopathy,” after an HIV-associated protein called p24 was found in her brain tissue, which Maggiore refers to as a “scavenger hunt” set into motion when no p24 was found in her daughter’s blood. Critics say that p24 is found in healthy controls, outside of HIV contexts, and that EJ showed no signs of dementia or any brain abnormality while alive. Ribe stated adamantly on 20/20 Primetime that EJ’s lungs were ravaged by Pneumocystic organisms and her brain by “HIV,” which was not advertised as being found in the blood but only in the brain in the form of this one protein, p24.

The program set off another round of blog warfare and attacks on Maggiore. What was striking was the mercilessness in the voice of the attackers.

One woman, Heather Knolls Morgan, to cite one of countless examples of anti-Maggiore sociopathology on the Internet, wrote in to a thread at Reason’s Hit and Run blog: “Christine, your daughter is six feet under. Are you happy now?”

Last Sunday, writing on the Op Ed page of The New York Times, pharmaceutical industry funded firebrandAIDS researcher Dr. John Moore, echoing recent calls by “treatment activists” to “wage war on AIDS denialism,” cited EJ’s death as a catalyzing reason HIV dissent could no longer be tolerated, and was indeed, “deadly quackery.” He claimed in this angry sermon to have special knowledge that EJ was “infected at birth” with HIV, and that she died of a treatable AIDS infection.This is what EJ’s death means to the punitive, sermonizing AIDS establishment and why they are fighting it so breathlessly: They need it. EJ is the justification for a pogrom on HIV dissent, and is serving to uphold the very paradigm of HIV always causing AIDS—even when it is not demonstrably there.

[subhed]

I called up University of Illinois at Chicagocell biologist and toxicology expert Dr. Andrew Maniotis, who will stand accused of “agreeing with Al Bayati,” and therefore being insane, to ask him for a lay person’s tour through this thicket. In a paper he wrote (not yet published) reviewing all the evidence, Maniotis wrote: “No one in their right mind would assume that the presence of the organism, [P. Cariini] especially in the absence of pneumonia … in an immuneocompetent host … equals a lethal case of PCP.”

In a telephone interview with City Beat, Maniotis said: “I wanted to come to my own conclusions because I needed to make my own peace with Christine Maggiore’s situation, which affected me deeply. So I started at the beginning. The events leading up to the death looks pretty much like a drug reaction. They should have focused on Amoxycillin first and foremost because it was the last agent taken. When she got to the hospital they gave her more antibiotics, intravenously, which is crazy. She had a heart attack—she wasn’t dying of an infection.”

I asked him how one can cut through the din and fog of whether it could have been “AIDS,” in the absence of news of an HIV test, or CD4 cell counts or viral load, which are the “surrogate markers” that bracket the entire clinical AIDS dialectic outside of this particular case, for which we are asked to alter all parameters in the name of exorcising “denialism.”

Maniotis said something that I have never heard noted before. “They did a lymphocyte count on Eliza Jane when she was admitted to the hospital. Forget everything else. Her absolute lymphocyte count was 10,800 cells per milliliter. She was not immune suppressed. That’s all you’ve got to know. She could not have died from PCP and had 10,800 lymphocytes in her bloodstream at the time of death. No way. It just doesn’t happen. Nor could she have encephalitis. End of story, it’s that simple. 10,800 lymphocytes is very high, and the World Health Organization has said that it is a legitimate standard way of gauging the immune system, in the absence of testing for CD4/CD8 ratios. An AIDS patient has to have below 1,000 total lymphocyte counts. Normal is about 4,000 to 8,000. EJ’s was 10,800. Even according to the most strident HIV dogmatists, AIDS is still a disease of too few lymphocytes, not too many. All the pathologists I talk to find this logic hard to refute. She could not have had PCP, nor died of it.”

There is a coroner’s report that has listed as the cause of death “AIDS” for Eliza Jane Scovill, and despite all the arrows that point away from that conclusion, the witchhunt against Maggiore and Scovill is in full swing and showing no signs of abating.

A criminal investigation of neglect leading to homicide has been under way for months, and hangs like a sword over the family each day. Detectives have called all the parents from Charlie’s school, neighbors, friends, parents of playmates, and grilled them for details about EJ’s condition in the last weeks of her life. “They have been going around asking parents questions about Eliza Jane’s snot,” says Maggiore incredulously. “Was it green? Yellow? One parent opened the door and said sarcastically to the police officer: “I guess you want to talk to me about the cold sore do you? Come on in.” The officer jumped on it: “What do you know about the cold sore?”

When Shari Cliver got the call from a police officer, who said she was “calling about the death of Eliza Jane Scovill,” Cliver became enraged. “EJ was like any other kid,” she says with desperation in her voice. “I told the detective she was perfectly healthy and normal and you need to do your homework and figure out who I am and then call me back. I was this family’s nanny.”

“If you’re going to put Christine and Robin on trial you may as well put all of us parents in this community on trial. We would have done no different than what they did—they are exceptional parents,” added Cliver. She says now, “I am so furious, and I told that detective what I thought of her. I told her how disgusting this is, to all of us, how morally and ethically wrong. “

None of the parents in the TK name community have turned against Maggiore and Scovill—far from it—they support them all the way, and continually tell the investigators as much each time they come knocking.

Christine Maggiore says, in a steady voice, choosing her words carefully: “To a certain extent, in all the darkness there has been light. Blessings. My immediate world is a beautiful place. A family I love, friends and neighbors. But it’s a daily struggle. There is no immediate solace.”

Celia Farber is the author of a new book, Serious Adverse Events: An Uncensored History of AIDS. Her most recent article appeared on the cover of the March 2006 Harper’s

Michael Faraday comments on the HIV?AIDS scene

June 6th, 2006


Rather sadly, since he saw it all coming

An hour ago we got in touch with the spirit of Michael Faraday, wondering what he might have to say about the current HIV?AIDS madness from his saintly but realistic point of view.

Across the light years, we could hear him sigh and almost inaudibly breathe these words:

“Men are so often bowed down and carried forward from fallacy to fallacy, their eyes not being opened to see what that fallacy is…the more acute a man is, the more he is bound by the chains of error; for he only uses his ingenuity to falsify the truth which lies before him.”

We tried to arrange a conference call with John Moore, but the connection broke before we could manage it.


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